Politics 101: No matter how big the screwup, never apologize. Blame others, change the subject or as a last resort, beg forgiveness (still without explicitly admitting any mistakes, of course). Such was probably how the world worked in Babylon, 4,000 years back; it certainly was the rule in Santa Rosa, 1908.

Another way to sidestep apologizing is not running for re-election, and every single incumbent city official decided that 1908 was a swell year to retire from public service. Left to not-apologize were party stalwarts, who faced an electorate irate over the City Council's decision the previous year to legalize prostitution in Santa Rosa without public notice or hearing. The "Good Ol' Boys" who had long controlled the town were at risk of an election upset to an ad-hoc party of reformers, so the Democratic and Republican parties joined forces to offer a "fusion" ticket against the slate of do-gooders. Leading the "Municipal League" party was Rolfe Thompson, a popular former DA who had recently won a lawsuit against prostitutes and their landlord..

Although the Dems and Repubs were offering the exact same candidates and their party platforms were identical in calling for a prompt repeal of the prostitution ordinance, the Democratic plank on this issue pleaded for the voter to understand they meant well, honest: "We earnestly recommend and favor the immediate repeal of the so-called boarding-house license, but do not impugn or question but that sincere and honest motives prompted and moved the framers thereof in legislating upon a difficult social problem."

At a big Democratic rally, District Attorney Clarence Lea was even more defensive, according to reporting in the April 5 Press Democrat:

I have been charged with failure to eradicate prostitution in the city. I can't eradicate prostitution. No one else can. You know it. I know it. The Municipal League knows it. You can't eradicate prostitution until some power changes man's passions to purity. Heney of San Francisco, Foulke of Missouri, Deenan of Illinois and Jerome of New York have not been able to do it.

There were other District Attorneys before me. They were not able to eradicate it. My predecessor in office. Mr. Thompson didn't do it. I don't remember his making any effort to do it. I prosecuted two cases and did as well as I knew how. No honest man who was present will say but that I did my best, although there are men going about the streets of Santa Rosa saying I didn't. Any man who says I did not do my best to convict that woman is a common, ordinary liar. I can make anything else out of it.

Press Democrat editor Ernest Finley took a novel route: There was nothing to apologize for because nothing really had changed:

The tenderloin district has existed in its present locality for 30 years and has never been regulated before, save by the power of some policeman's club. Except that due authority is now provided for exercising supervision and control, conditions have not been changed in the least. The boarding houses resolution licenses the sale of liquor, and that is all.

But as with most of Finley's editorials during the 1908 campaign, he wasn't telling the truth. The ordinance did far more than just licensing booze; it licensed the bordellos themselves as legitimate businesses and established requirements that the names of the prostitutes be recorded and they be examined by a medical doctor every two weeks for sexual diseases. In short, Santa Rosa's City Council had legalized full Nevada-style prostitution.

Voter anger over the prostitution ordinance was clearly the #1 issue in that city election, and blame shifting, evasions, and (non) apologies only go so far to mollify; to be assured of winning, the Good Ol' Boys needed to spring an "October surprise." On the very day of the election, the PD announced that fusion candidate for mayor James Gray had obtained options "on most of the property in that part of town and has a plan under way which if successful will not only remove the tenderloin district entirely outside the city limits but will result in beautifying all that portion of the city and transforming it into a public park." As the Press Democrat was a morning paper, the news would have reached voters just before they went to the polls, and there was no time for the other side to respond.

Simultaneously wiping out the red light district and giving Santa Rosa its first park would have been a neat hat trick indeed, and without giving too much away about what would happen after this election, I'll say only that none of it came to pass. But I'm pretty certain that this was the sleaziest of all the dirty tricks played by the Old Guard. Here's why:

At least since the 1870s, Santa Rosa's tenderloin district was on First street, primarily between D and E streets (thanks to Mr. Finley for revealing the age in an editorial aside). The south side of First st. backed on to Santa Rosa Creek; not much was ever built on that side, and this bank of the Creek was a natural location for a water park, as first proposed a couple of years before.

Gray's proposed urban renewal efforts specifically mentioned four properties were optioned. Two of them - the Santa Rosa Milling Co. and the Behmer house (the location of the infamous brothel) - we know were on the creek side of the street, so it's safe to assume that the other two lots were adjacent as well, as there were exactly four properties on that side (see 1908 map to right, with this area circled in blue). On the map, the houses of prostitution are colored in red. Thus Gray's plan would have removed only three out of nine known bordellos - and those were the smallest houses, at that.

"While Mr. Thompson has been talking, Mr. Gray has been doing," Ernest Finley boasted in that election day editorial. Yes, that's true; too bad the PD hadn't published the news a few days/weeks/months earlier, so voters could have known that what Mr. Gray was doing was to propose building the town's only park adjacent to a consolidated and re-criminalized tenderloin district.

Coverage of the election results and some of the aftermath follow in this series' final post.



LAST NIGHT'S MEETING AND THE CAMPAIGN JUST CLOSED

The meeting held last night under the auspices of the so-called Municipal League was well attended but it did not make any votes. In fact, after the meeting many express themselves as being of the opinion that instead of making votes it lost them. The arguments failed to convince, only a few of the "issues" that have been raised by the League's paper were referred to at all, and Mr. Thompson, who was the last speaker, found himself unable to hold the audience, hastily bringing his remarks to a close before he had concluded what he had to say, when he noticed what he took to be the beginning of a general exodus from the back of the hall.

The campaign is of course now over, and the only thing up on the which the League has not fallen down completely in its position in reference to the social evil. Several of the speakers referred to the matter and it is apparent that this is the only thing left to their fight. But even this has gone by the board, and the men who are inclined to support the League ticket upon this ground will be making a sad mistake in voting for Mr. Thompson for they will be far more apt to get the results desired if Mr. Gray is elected than if the League candidate is placed in the chair.

Although little has been said about it Mr. Gray has quietly secured options on most of the property in that part of town and has a plan under way which if successful will not only remove the tenderloin district entirely outside the city limits but will result in beautifying all that portion of the city and transforming it into a public park. Some of these options were secured several months ago, and they are now on file in the Chamber of Commerce. The properties bonded include that of the Santa Rosa Milling and Construction Company, Daniel Behmer, Cornelius Shea, Dr. J. J. Summerfield and others. The idea of transforming that part of the city into a public park is not a new one, but this is the first time anything like a systematic attempt has been made to carry the idea into effect. While Mr. Thompson has been talking, Mr. Gray has been doing. And so even the last remaining issue of the ill-starred and ill-advised Municipal League (so-called) falls to the ground.

One would have to go a long way and search deep to find a political movement that has been so badly mismanaged and so absurdly handled as the "campaign" that has just been concluded here by the so-called Municipal league. Fathered by men who are in almost absolute ignorance of existing conditions, the long list of false issues were raised, only to be battered down one by the mere publication of a few facts. The falsity of the charges advanced has been in most instances publicly admitted by the League candidates and speakers. At last night's meeting, ex-Mayor Sweet paid a far higher tribute to the outgoing administration than any we have published, and from the stand at the Germania hall meeting Professor McMeans verified all we have said regarding the much-discussed boarding house resolution. Nobody now believes the defamatory charges that have been made regarding the city's moral atmosphere--that is nobody here. The story sent out and published far and wide may have of course found some credence, and it is practically impossible to offset their effect. We will live them down in time, but it will in all probability take years to convince the outside world that Santa Rosa is not as black and she has been painted.


STORY MADE OUT OF WHOLE CLOTH

"The Municipal League" in its issue yesterday mentioned as truth an instance in which women had gone into a yard on Second street and when asked to refrain from picking flowers, had replied, "that they would not stop as they were licensed to do as they pleased in this town," adding: "Wait until after the election and we'll show you what an open town is."

A lady, whose home is on Second street, recalled an incident similar to that referred to yesterday in "The Municipal League," and which undoubtedly was the one mentioned. She said that aside from the fact that the women were picking flowers the other part of the story reported was made out of whole cloth.

- Press Democrat, April 7, 1908

"The Press Democrat prides itself upon the fact that it never intentionally misrepresents things," boasted PD editor Ernest Finley, as his newspaper continued to misrepresent nearly everything about the reformers who wanted to clean up Santa Rosa.

Part one of this series introduced the bitter divisions shown in the 1908 city elections. On one side were the "Good Ol' Boys" who wanted to maintain the status quo; so determined were they to hold their grasp on the town that the Democratic and Republican parties jointly offered a "fusion" slate of the same candidates. Opposing them was an alliance of prohibitionists, anti-corruption progressives, and voters angered over the City Council's legalization of prostitution. The reform group called itself the "Municipal League," and was headed by a former District Attorney, who raised eyebrows during the campaign by naming the four powerful men whom he claimed were the "bosses" of Santa Rosa. He might as well have expanded the list to include a fifth name: Ernest Latimer Finley, editor, publisher, and co-owner of the Santa Rosa Press Democrat.

Finley reached deep into the grab-bag of yellow journalism tricks to attack the reformers, which he did relentlessly and with a disregard for fairness that must have been shocking at the time. These were the tactics expected from a big city paper on a campaign to tear down a corrupt political machine or expose racketeers, not what a newspaper editor in a small farm town (pop. about 9,500) would normally write about a sizable portion of the community, and possibly the majority of voters, at that. Finley's bile was so thick that some in the Municipal League called for supporters to cancel their subscription to the PD - which only allowed Finley to additionally play the victim card, claiming the newspaper was threatened with a "cowardly and un-American" boycott.

Some examples of the Press Democrat mud fling were given in part one, with Finley bowling over straw men and feigning outrage over literal interpretations of things said by reformers (as in: The PD was "owned" by the Good Ol' Boys). These kinds of misrepresentations continued for weeks.

Because the Municipal League was endorsed by the "Santa Rosa Ministerial Union," Finley wrote "the so-called Municipal League has been nothing more and nothing less than a church movement, organized and launched by the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union. As such, every possible effort has been made to hide the fact." The PD also painted the Ministerial Union as a shadowy cabal that didn't even have the support of most area clergy, and when the group objected to the paper's "nasty disposition towards the members of the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union," Finley offered the audacious defense that "the Press Democrat is not unfriendly in the least to either the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union or any of its members" (and this was on the same April 2 page where he claimed the PD never intentionally misrepresented anything).

But charging that the Municipal League was really the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union in disguise was just Finley's groundwork for his more vicious attack: Since the Ministerial Union was pro-prohibition, the Municipal League candidates must also have a secret agenda to force prohibition upon Santa Rosa - and that the reformers were hypocrites for repeatedly denying they wanted to turn the town dry. Two days before the election, Finley openly accused them of lying:

While every man, woman and child in Santa Rosa knows differently and realizes fully that the election of the so-called Municipal League is intended as the entering wedge towards prohibition, the League nominees and the League paper have contended--and still so contend, for that matter--that no anti-saloon legislation is contemplated and any assertion to the effect that this is a movement calculated to effect the saloon business in any way is a "campaign lie."

The people who oppose such things have every right to try to close up the saloons if they wish. But why should they not come out and make their fight in the open? The course they have followed in this respect has done their cause far more harm than good, for the public very naturally argues that any man or set of men who would attempt to secure control of public affairs through misrepresentation by purposely misleading the voters are hardly the men to be entrusted with responsibility and power.

The art of yellow journalism, however, is found not in what you write - it's what you don't. The PD had demonstrated its mastery of this technique a few months earlier, when a popular downtown restaurant gave numerous people serious cases of food poisoning, yet the Press Democrat did not once mention the restaurant's name (the joint, BTW, advertised exclusively in their paper). Now what Ernest Finley didn't want readers to know was that the true fathers of the Municipal League were two of the most respected men in town: ex-mayor J. S. Sweet, head of the Santa Rosa Business College, and Luther Burbank.

Almost three years earlier, Sweet and Burbank were president and VP of the newly-formed "Good Government League," which was likewise an effort to create a political organization to clean up Santa Rosa. And just as with his attacks on the Municipal League, Finley accused the 1905 group of being secretive elitists who didn't care if they damaged the town's image by pointing out that reform was needed.

Now in 1908, the PD did its best to not mention the men at all, particularly the lionized Luther Burbank. When Burbank spoke at the election eve rally, the Press Democrat reported only that "Mr. Burbank read a carefully prepared statement of some length," and that Prof. Sweet complimented the city's current administration before telling a cryptic anecdote. In contrast, the Santa Rosa Republican published Burbank's remarks, and reported that Sweet detailed the history of the town's reform Leagues, including their formation by "some two or three hundred men all prominently connected with the business interests of the city." The truth apparently was the opposite of Finley's portrayal of the reformers as naive, church-led prohibitionists.

As the campaigns came to a close, Finley took one last mean jab at the reformers:

[I]t is no exaggeration to say that more hard feelings has been stirred up, and more little narrow, petty, mean work done than in any previous campaign in all the city's history. Charges so silly as to be absurd on the face have been advanced in all apparent seriousness, unjust and uncalled-for attacks upon some of the best-known people of the community have been framed up solely because it was imagined that votes could be obtained thereby.

With that gem of Orwellian newspeak, all benefit of doubt vanishes that Finley was simply misinformed. After weeks of flinging accusations against the Municipal League, it was contemptible for him to speak of "hard feelings" and "unjust and uncalled-for attacks." This was the cry of a thug who jumped someone from behind, kicked him in the head, and later complained that the victim scuffed the shine of his jackboot.



"The Press Democrat prides itself upon the fact that it never intentionally misrepresents things, and, when it comes to publishing the news, the fact that it appears in this paper may usually be taken as a guarantee of its authenticity."

THE PREACHER IN POLITICS

For some time past the morning paper of Santa Rosa has entertained and repeatedly expressed a nasty disposition towards the members of the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union, and it embraces every possible opportunity to make insinuating flings at the various clergyman of this city.--Ministerial Union.


The above statement is not true.

The Press Democrat is not unfriendly in the least to either the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union or any of its members.

We have never yet, at any time or under any circumstances, criticized the acts of any of the Santa Rosa ministers as long as they confined their attention to matter spiritual.

In his legitimate field, the minister of the gospel is entitled to and usually receives the encouragement and support of all right-thinking people.

They have certainly always received it at the hands of the Press Democrat, and they always will.

But we know of no reason why a minister of the gospel should expect to be exempt from criticism when he goes into politics, anymore than anyone else.

In everything we have had to say upon the subject of "the preacher in politics," we have endeavored to be courteous, reasonable and fair.

When we have said we were opposed to the preacher in politics, we have always given our reason for it.

We believe these reasons have been good reasons.

When the preacher goes into politics he usually does his cause more harm than good. The majority of people are opposed to the coalition of church and state and rightfully so; and, almost invariably, the interference of the minister and political affairs results in alienating valuable support that might otherwise be made to operate for the good of the cause. We see this every day. It has been evidenced here time and again. It is being evidenced in Santa Rosa right now.

- Press Democrat editorial, April 2, 1908


A CAMPAIGN OF HOLLOW PRETENSE AND FALSE ISSUES

Our first article in reference to the present campaign, which appeared on Wednesday morning, March 18, began with these words:

Judging from the initial numbers of the paper to be issued from now on to election by the so-called Municipal League--which, as everyone by this time no doubt fully realizes is little more than the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union acting by proxy and parading in disguise--the campaign to be conducted by that organization promises to bear a close resemblance to the one that was put up in this city two years ago.

In other words, the people are to be asked to believe a lot of things that are not true, and are to be told what to do by men who have had little if any experience in the handling of public affairs, and who when it comes to a discussion of such matters give evidence at every turn they do not know what they are talking about.


The battle is now practically over. If there was ever a correct forecast of impending conditions, it appeared in the above. From start to finish the League's campaign has been based on false issues, and, with few if any exceptions, the things said have been untrue. All kinds of charges have been made, only to be shown as false and then dropped, or dropped before being answered at all. Bad feelings have been stirred up unnecessarily, and personal vilification has been indulged in to an extent seldom if ever before known here.


Although the campaign as waged by the manipulators of the so-called Municipal League has been nothing more and nothing less than a church movement, organized and launched by the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union. As such, every possible effort has been made to hide the fact. One of the officers of that body even went so far as to deny, in a signed statement, that there was "even the shadow of a foundation" upon which to base such a charge. Yet more than six months ago the official organ of the Ministerial Union announced that it would have a ticket in the field, the fund from which the expenses are being paid was raised at a mass meeting called by the Ministerial Union, and Mr. Thompson formally opened his campaign from the platform of a revival meeting arranged and conducted under the direct auspices of the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union, as such.


While every man, woman and child in Santa Rosa knows differently and realizes fully that the election of the so-called Municipal League is intended as the entering wedge towards prohibition, the League nominees and the League paper have contended--and still so contend, for that matter--that no anti-saloon legislation is contemplated and any assertion to the effect that this is a movement calculated to effect the saloon business in any way is a "campaign lie."

The people who oppose such things have every right to try to close up the saloons if they wish. But why should they not come out and make their fight in the open? The course they have followed in this respect has done their cause far more harm than good, for the public very naturally argues that any man or set of men who would attempt to secure control of public affairs through misrepresentation by purposely misleading the voters are hardly the men to be entrusted with responsibility and power.


One of the charges made by the so-called Municipal League is that the ticket named by the Democratic and Republican parties was named by a "clique," while, by inference at least, the League ticket is free from even a suspicion of such a thing. The fact is that the Democratic and Republican tickets were nominated at open mass meetings, to which all were invited by notice published in the newspapers and otherwise, while the League ticket was "nominated" by half a dozen men who met in secret, and allowed no intimation of their plan to be given publicly until the names of the nominees were published in an afternoon paper, together with the endorsement that they had been "nominated." Probably two or three hundred men participated in the nomination of the candidates whose names appear on the Democratic and Republican tickets. Not more than five or six men in the outside participated in the "nomination" of the League ticket.


One of the League's favorite topics for discussion has been the social evil, and this has been handled pretty much as everything else. Until the Press Democrat pointed out the facts, many people had an idea that nothing of the kind has ever existed here before, and that the action of the present administration in putting the tenderloin district under strict control was really and attempt to let down the bars and encourage that sort of traffic. The exact opposite is the case, and at the meeting in Germania Hall a few nights since one of the leading candidates publicly admitted it from the platform. The tenderloin district has existed in its present locality for 30 years and has never been regulated before, save by the power of some policeman's club. Except that due authority is now provided for exercising supervision and control, conditions have not been changed in the least. The boarding houses resolution licenses the sale of liquor, and that is all.


[..included in previous section..]


Mr. Thompson and his official organ have had a good deal to say on the subject of boycotts, and tried to make it appear that an attempt was being made to influence voters through the withdrawal of patronage. The only boycott we know anything about is the one that has been declared by the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union against the Press Democrat. Perhaps it is hardly fair to refer to this as a boycott, although a determined effort is being made by some members of that organization to induce people to discontinue their subscriptions to this paper and withdraw their patronage. In spite of this we are sending out more papers than ever before so the effort does not appear to have been particularly successful. But it is being made, nevertheless, and the fact will not be denied.


While voicing his great love for the laboring man, Mr. Thompson declares himself as against those proposed public improvements which are calculated to assist most in creating work for the artisan and furnishing him with profitable employment. And while he stands as the acknowledged and admitted representative of the men who, with a few exceptions, can always be counted upon to oppose progress, he asks the laboring man to vote for him instead of for Mr. Gray upon the ground that it will be to his best interests to do so. But the man who works for his living knows without being told where his interests lie in the present fight. If Mr. Gray and the progress ticket is elected, new people will be brought in, public and private improvements will be promoted in every possible way and the threatened period of business depression and hard times very likely averted.


From the first, the League has claimed that one of the principal reasons it was organized was because of a "general desire" upon the part of somebody or other to "do away with the unpleasant features" that usually attach to municipal campaigns. Yet it is no exaggeration to say that more hard feelings has been stirred up, and more little narrow, petty, mean work done than in any previous campaign in all the city's history. Charges so silly as to be absurd on the face have been advanced in all apparent seriousness, unjust and uncalled-for attacks upon some of the best-known people of the community have been framed up solely because it was imagined that votes could be obtained thereby, and Santa Rosa will not be apt to recover from the effects for a long time to come.

- Press Democrat editorial, April 5, 1908


LARGE CROWD AT THE LAST MEETING
Municipal League Campaign Closes With Demonstration at Rink With Dr. D. P. Anderson Presiding

The Municipal League closed its campaign Monday night with a largely attended meeting at the rink. In addition to many women and children, a large number of out-of-town people who heard Mr. Thompson open his campaign at the Bulgin meetings were present to hear his closing address.

Dr. D. P. Anderson called the gathering to order made quite an address, in which he took occasion to quote freely from the Press Democrat and pay a high compliment to Luther Burbank who he then introduced as president of the meeting. Mr. Burbank read a carefully prepared statement of some length, after which he returned to his seat and was seen or heard of no more except as referred to by various speakers.

Dr. Anderson retained active control of the gathering and introduced the speakers in turn with some remarks bearing on their candidacy. Former Mayor J. S. Sweet was the main speaker of the evening, outside of Mr. Thompson, and after a flattering endorsement of the work of the present administration he explained his interest in the present campaign with the story of a young man who came from Cloverdale to his school but failed to break away from former bad habits when he came to Santa Rosa and had to be sent home.

...the nominees for councilmen, which were each presented in turn, and spoke a few words after which R. L. Thompson, the League candidate for mayor, was introduced to close the speechmaking. He made his usual explanations and statements as to the other meetings of the campaign, but was unable to hold his audience, and was forced to close before he had completed what he desired to say. Many present expressed the sentiment that the meeting had proved a failure as a vote-getter and in fact had helped the Fusion cause.

- Press Democrat, April 7, 1908


RINK WAS PACKED FULL
Immense Crowd Attended Campaign Closing

The rally held by the Municipal League at the skating rink on Monday evening to close the city campaign was one of the large political meetings ever held in the city. The rink was crowded to the doors and enthusiasm was at a high pitch. The crowd began to gather early and by the time for the calling of the meeting to order there was hardly standing room. The speakers and candidates, and the vice presidents had gathered in an adjoining room, and marched down the aisle to the stand, amid the wildest scenes of applause, especially as Rolfe L. Thompson, candidate for mayor, and Mr. Luther Burbank, appeared.

The meeting was opened by the singing of America... Mr. Burbank was greeted with hearty applause and his remarks were well received. The address of Mr. Burbank is printed elsewhere in this paper.

Before closing Mr. Burbank stated he did not feel able to take the active control the meeting, and asked Dr. Anderson to continue as chairman. Dr. Anderson then introduced ex-mayor J. S. Sweet, who is president of the Santa Rosa Business College, and one of the most influential citizens of the City of Roses. Mr. Sweet evidenced considerable earnestness in his remarks, and gave a brief history of the movement which he said has resulted in the present Municipal league. He told of the forming of the Good Government League in his own building 2 1/2 years ago, and that there were some two or three hundred men all prominently connected with the business interests of the city, who were in that movement. He also paid a glowing tribute to retiring Mayor Overton, and his efforts during the past two years, for the rebuilding of the city...

...The last speaker of the evening was the candidate for mayor, Rolfe L. Thompson, and it was several minutes before the applause subsided sufficient to be heard. Mr. Thompson made a very earnest, clear-cut speech and was often interrupted by the audience with their cheers. He took up the various issues of the campaign and reviewed them, telling the people what he proposed to do in case he is the choice for the first place in the city government. At one time during the address the feeling was at a very high pitch, as the speaker read from a publication a sacrilegious expression.

During the evening the Municipal Glee Club rendered a number of witty songs bearing upon the campaign and the candidates. The closing piece by the club was written by Will C. Grant, and was one of the best campaign songs heard in a long time.

- Santa Rosa Republican, April 7, 1908

Gotta hand it to Santa Rosa's Good Ol' Boys; when they wanted to steal an election, it was thoroughly stolen.

The year was 1908, and the insiders who had long controlled the town politically were facing a city election they were probably going to lose. Challenging them was an ad-hoc third party that called itself the "Municipal League" which was an alliance of reformers: Prohibitionists, voters deeply upset that Santa Rosa recently had legalized prostitution, and progressives seeking to root out the political "bosses." The latter posed a very personal threat to the ranks of the Old Guard; this was the same time that San Francisco was prosecuting its political boss Abe Ruef - and here in Santa Rosa, the leader of the Municipal League was a popular former District Attorney who wasn't afraid to name the men he claimed were the town's bosses.

The opening gambit to defeat the reformers was to unite everyone who backed the status quo, and the local Democratic and Republican parties offered a "fusion" ticket with identical candidates. The next move equally lacked subtlety; The City Council suddenly discovered there might be too many voters at one polling place if every possible man turned out (women didn't have the vote in 1908, remember). So ten days before the election, one - or both - polling places were moved in wards that were Municipal League strongholds.

Days before the vote, the Municipal League made the serious charge that they had a list of 170 persons who were registered illegally. "In most of these cases the persons so registered are Italians and it is believed their ignorance of the law has caused them to be made victims," the Santa Rosa Republican reported. One of the phony voters was even supposedly living with the secretary of the Municipal League.

Yet in an artfully-worded editorial, Ernest Finley claimed the Press Democrat couldn't find any evidence of fraud at all. "It is probable there is no real basis for any of the charges of illegal registration," wrote the main apologist for Santa Rosa's Old Guard. "Very often people forget and give the wrong street number." But in a passing remark the day after the election, the PD seemed to confirm that some illegally-registered voters were indeed caught: "There was some challenging of voters, but little or nothing resulted."

Methinks if it were truly "nothing," Finley would have clearly stated, "nothing" - and crowed about it.


CHANGE MADE IN COMBINATION
Wards Segregated, and New Officers Named

The City Council divided precincts three and five at a special meeting called for that purpose Friday evening, and passed to print the ordinance calling the election....

...Judge R. F. Crawford brought the matter to the attention of the council, and stated that there were over 700 registered voters in wards three and five, which had been combined. He called attention to the fact that it would be impossible to vote all these men in six hundred minutes allowed by law, during which the polls would be open on election day.

Mayor Overton declared that the wards had been combined as a measure of economy, to save the expense of a board of election officers. He said the council had no idea they were so many voters in the ward, and remarked that with the great number of voters there, the counting of the ballots would be seriously delayed over the other precincts.

Colonel L. W. Julliard said he would join in any request to allay any feeling that might arise out of the combining of the precincts. He said he would advise in all fairness that the extra board be appointed, in order that no man should be shut out from the exercising his right to vote. The vote on changing the combined wards was unanimous.

- Santa Rosa Republican, March 28, 1908


ILLEGALLY ON THE REGISTER
Municipal League Has Long List of Non-Residents

The Municipal League has had representatives going over the city for the past couple weeks, and has a list of 170 persons they claim have been registered illegally. In most of these cases the persons so registered are Italians and it is believed their ignorance of the law has caused them to be made victims.

A reward of $50 has been offered for the arrest and conviction of any person found guilty of illegal voting at the election, and the registration deputy who made the illegal registration will also be prosecuted as a party to the crime. It is the intention to make examples of all who violate this law, and watchers will be at the polls during the day to see that the laws are upheld.

One peculiar fact is that one person is registered as residing at the home of Frank L. Hoyt, secretary of the Municipal League on Humboldt Street. Mr. Hoyt is amused that such liberties should be taken with him.

Four men are alleged to be registered at the residence of J. Hesseschwerdt at 1014 Ripley Street, and that gentleman declares they have never resided there. The League has information that the men are teamsters and live on the Sonoma road.

A vegetable gardener who resides on Sonoma Avenue adjoining the pumping station outside of the city limits, informed Albert O. Erwin on Friday that he and two of his men intended to vote at the city election, and he said they had been registered as living inside the city limits. He promised to bring Mr. Erwin a card Saturday morning showing the street and number from which he is been registered.

The League tends to prosecute every man who votes illegally and wherever there is a doubt as to the man's right to vote he will be forced to swear in the vote.

- Santa Rosa Republican, April 4, 1908

With a great show a feeling Mr. Thompson charged that an attempt had been made to disfranchise a lot of voters by throwing two wards into one and making so many men vote at one place that they would not all have time to prepare and cast their ballots. The thing has been done here time and again, and the only idea of the council was to avoid unnecessary expense, but Mr. Thompson charged that it was a "dirty political trick." The precinct boundaries were established long before registration was completed, and before anyone really knew how many voters did live in the ward. When the attention to the authorities was called to the fact that some 600 men would have to vote at one of the one polling place another was immediately established, although the ticket is so short that all could have doubtless have voted at one place with ease. However, rather than have any possible question about it the above change was made. Nobody with any sense at all believed for a moment that the council desired to prevent a full and free expression of the wishes of the people, and Mr. Thompson himself knew it was not true, yet the charge was made in all apparent seriousness, both by the League paper and by Mr. Thompson in a public speech.

The charge of illegal registration is one that has been advanced during the past few days. Last night's Republican contained an article on the subject, and a long dispatch also appeared in the Bulletin. One of the specific charges contained in the Republican and Bulletin stories is that someone is illegally registered from 926 Humboldt street, the residence of Frank L Hoyt, secretary of the Municipal League. A close and careful search of the register made last night failed to reveal any such condition of affairs. Only one man is registered as living at 926 Humboldt street, and that man is Frank L Hoyt himself. When asked on the street last night about the charge, Mr. Hoyt admitted that he was not certain about the matter, but that he had heard such a report going around. He said there was one case he was positive about, however, and that was where a man was registered from 1552 13th street, the home of his stenographer. The register fails to bear out this charge. Only one man is registered from the 1552 13th St. and that man is James Townsend. He resides at the address named and is a qualified and legal voter. Another specific charge relates to 1014 Ripley Street. It is claimed that nobody by the name of Canessa ever lived there, but a consultation of the assessment roll shows that the property stands in the name of G. B. Canessa, and, while the place is now rented to J. Haselschwardt, Canessa and his three sons formerly lived at the address given. It is probable there is no real basis for any of the charges of illegal registration. Very often people forget and give the wrong street number, and as a usual thing people are very slow to commit a felony when they have nothing whatever to gain from it.

- Press Democrat editorial, April 5, 1908

Luther Burbank was Santa Rosa's #1 booster - except for the year he joined reformers who called the town scandalous and controlled by a handful of political bosses.

"We fail to see how Mr. Burbank's advice on political matters becomes of any particular importance," sniffed Press Democrat editor Ernest Finley. "He has always represented himself as being too much engrossed with scientific matters to pay any attention to anything else, and has never before taken any part in public affairs."

As with most everything else that appeared in the PD about the city elections of 1908, it was untrue. Three years earlier, Burbank was one of the founders of the "Good Government League," which likewise wanted to clean up the town. The difference in 1908 was that the political field was wide open: No incumbents were running for office. Also, the reformers had a leader who was willing to confront Santa Rosa's entrenched Old Guard and name names.

The reform party was now called the Municipal League, as introduced in part I of this series on the Santa Rosa city election of 1908. Apparently so frightened that the reformers might sweep into office, the main political parties decided to offer voters a Democratic-Republican "fusion" ticket - a move that only underscored the reformer's point that a tight group of "bosses" really controlled the town.

Everyone in Santa Rosa knew about "bossism" because newspapers kept readers updated on the latest pre-trial developments in the Abe Ruef case. A year earlier, "Boss Ruef" had plead guilty to bribing the San Francisco Supervisors over utility and cable car deals, followed by indictments against him and his puppet mayor. Ruef tried to block the trial right up to the selection of the jury, arguing that the prosecutor had tricked him into incriminating himself. It was a surprisingly high profile legal fight, with probably everyone in town having strong opinions on the fairness of a trial for the confessed villain. (Sidenote: Santa Rosans didn't view a fusion ticket as unusual because just such a ballot appeared in the 1905 San Francisco election, when the Dems and Repubs of that city joined forces in a failed attempt to block Ruef's corrupt Union Labor party from winning.)

In Santa Rosa, the political jabbing was over candidates for mayor. Heading the fusion ticket was Chamber of Commerce president James Gray, who vowed to maintain the status quo. The reform mayoral candidate was Rolfe Thompson, a former D.A. with bonus points among reformers for being the lawyer who had recently won a lawsuit against prostitutes and their landlord. Most remarkable, Thompson called out the people who he said really ran Santa Rosa: State Senator Walter Price (R), Santa Rosa Fire Chief Frank Muther, brewer Joseph Grace, and Thomas Geary, who was currently city attorney.

Even immersed in early 20th century Santa Rosa history as I am, it's difficult to grasp how these four were the triumvirate (+1) of evil. Muther's day job was as the owner of a small downtown cigar store with a little rolling factory in the back room - hardly the profile of a kingmaker. Grace also seemed apolitical; during the 1905 Battle of Sebastopol Avenue, he meekly hunkered down lest he offend any beer drinkers. Of Price I know nothing (update here) but of the odious Geary, I'll believe anything horrible. Besides being the author of the Chinese Exclusion Act when he was a Democratic congressman in 1892, he was the "top gun" attorney in the area and could be found representing the wealthiest private interests before he became city attorney, as when he tried to get Santa Rosa to abandon its municipal water system (he also argued the rich deserved more water because they paid more taxes).

But how far did Thompson really push the "bossism" analogy? He implied that Gray was merely a figurehead in his political newsletter, "The Municipal League," which apparently presented a crossword puzzle where the solution for one line read

GRACE GRAY GEARY
with only a tiny space to wedge in Gray's name. Was he also hinting that he knew about Abe Ruef-style bribery of elected officials and secret backroom deals? Alas, we don't know; no copies of the reformer's newsletters from 1908 survive, and the Santa Rosa daily papers were hardly likely to mention allegations of serious crimes against their endorsed candidates.

STATEMENT OF MR. BURBANK
Tells People What He Believes of Situation

Luther Burbank, the well known resident of the city, has issued the following statement to the voters. It came from Mr. Burbank on Wednesday morning and is published herewith"

"I believe that the time has come when our city affairs should be divorced from politics, and when citizenship should be placed above partisanship. Having read the platform and the statement of principles of the Municipal League, I wish to express my appreciation of the movement and my hearty endorsement of its candidates.

"I further urge my fellow citizens to give these men their unanimous support. Luther Burbank"

- Santa Rosa Republican, April 1, 1908

It is announced that Luther Burbank favors the election of the so-called Municipal League ticket, and in a signed statement he gravely directs all qualified voters to follow his lead.

We fail to see how Mr. Burbank's advice on political matters becomes of any particular importance.

He has always represented himself as being too much engrossed with scientific matters to pay any attention to anything else, and has never before taken any part in public affairs.

It is very probable that the motive actuating Mr. Burbank in taking the stand he does is the same that both Mr. McMeans and Dr. Anderson admit actuates them--they all three live in that part of town.

- Press Democrat editorial, April 2, 1908

ENTHUSIASTIC MASS MEETING
Thompson and McMeans Address Fourth Ward

A meeting, small in number at first, but large in enthusiasm, was held by the Municipal League at Germania Hall Wednesday evening, and was addressed by Rolfe L. Thompson and Alexander C. McMeans, candidates for mayor and councilman respectfully. Before the meeting closed the hall was well filled, including a number of ladies.

Professor McMeans was introduced by Chairman William R. Smith, the well-known pioneer and made a splendid speech. He declared that the laws of the city should be enforced or they were of no earthly good. The speaker declared he was not the nominee of the Ministerial Union, but that he represented the Municipal League, and that he accepted the nomination in the hope that if elected he might do something for the betterment of conditions in this city. The speaker read the application which saloon men have to sign before being allowed a liquor license, and then stated that women were permitted to conduct houses of prostitution without getting permission at a less cost than the saloon men were taxed. He declared the issue of prohibition was not before the people, neither was there any issue of saloon closing on Sunday or raising of liquor licenses. He declared if elected he would consider the wishes of the people and all things and if the requisite number asked that the question of licensing saloons be placed on the ballot, he would be in favor of permitting people to vote on the question.

Rolfe L. Thompson made a ringing speech, in which he spoke plainly regarding his candidacy, and paid a high complement to Professor McMeans. He declared that the people of the fourth ward had an honor in being permitted to vote for such a man, and that no fault could found with his character. He said no better man could be found in the city for the position of councilman, and predicted a great majority for him at the polls.

Mr. Thompson said at the outset he wanted the people to know exactly where we stood on all questions that he would be pleased to answer any questions regarding his stand. He declared if elected mayor he would administer city affairs fairly and impartially, and give a square deal to all the people. In appointments and in the employment of labor he said he would be fair to all parties.

The speaker said he was representing up a movement of citizens of Santa Rosa for the best interests of the city, and was not representing any class, clique or boss. The people interested in this movement, he said, were of all classes, mechanics, builders, lawyers, professional men, merchants. He asserted that the movement emanated from a growing sentiment in Santa Rosa to get away from bossism, and to destroy partisanship here. The speaker said the fusion ticket was dominated by one lawyer, one cigar maker, one politician and one brewer, and that the ticket emanated from these bosses.

Mr. Thompson denied emphatically and in plain language that he was representing a "dry" town, or in any manner a prohibition issue, and said these things were not an issue in the campaign. "I have no intention if elected," he stated, "to initiate any new legislation against the saloon." At this juncture the speaker was interrupted with the information that some saloon men were with him and intended to support his candidacy. He remarked that he was glad, indeed, to know that some saloon men had realized their own interests in the matter, and that they had not been deceived by a little clique of politicians. Speaking further on the subject, Mr. Thompson said he intended to enforce the present laws on the statue books, and that he would simply carry out the wishes of the people. The speaker reiterated his belief that the money lying in the bank in the building fund and not drawing interest should be utilized at once to build a suitable fire department, and said he was against the purchase of other property when the city owned good lots and bonding the town for $75,000 when it could be avoided.

[..]

- Santa Rosa Republican, April 2, 1908

[Selection of remarks by James Gray at a rally:]
Ladies and gentlemen: I have been charged with being in league with and under the control of some terrible people, described as political bosses, Price, Muther, Grace and Geary. As to Price and Muther, Mr. Thompson can tell you a great deal more about them than I can, as until up to the date that he attempted to throw his party into the control of the Municipal League and the Ministerial Union, he was either under their employ or taking advice from them in all matters pertaining to politics.

As to Grace Brothers, as near as I can find out, they are conducting a legitimate business of manufacturing here. They are also conducting a creamery which is certainly a great benefit to Santa Rosa and the surrounding country; also an ice and cold storage plant which is used extensively in the storage and packing of fruit. They employ a large number of men supporting a great many families and are one of the institutions that help make Santa Rosa a live town.

I never had any business with them, but they have the reputation of being honorable business men who are received with their families in the best of society, in the homes of members of the Municipal League, and are recognized and taken by the hand by not only Mr. Thompson, but by members of the Ministerial Union. They have built up a large business which they are no doubt trying to protect. If they are taking any interest in the fight, it is for the purpose of protecting their business interests, and has nothing whatever to do with me. I do not see how they are to be blamed for this. If they expect any favors from me they will not get them any more than any other citizen interested in the growth and welfare of the town...

...As soon as it was noised about that I would be a candidate the Municipal League began preparations to make an aggressive campaign, and I must say they laid their plans carefully and have left no stone unturned to get a vote. After a great deal of thought and discussion they finally decided that their wisest political move would be to attack the present administration, make the present city administration as unpopular as possible and connect the present candidate with them. At Mr. Geary, on account of his prominence, they have directed most of the fire. I accepted the nomination because I thought that I could carry out plans that would benefit Santa Rosa...

...They started the movement with good intentions. They thought the Prohibition movement, which is likely to die out before it reaches Sonoma County, whose backbone is the production of hops and grapes, was a good thing. It was a prohibition movement pure and simple, and they should have stuck to their principles, but their leader and candidate for mayor is so carried away with the desire to be elected that he has forgotten his principles and is bowing down and soliciting votes of the interest that he had organized to fight.

We are all pledged to repeal the boarding house ordinance, and of course it will be done as soon as possible after those who are elected have taken office. But what will you do with the parties in dispute? Leave them in the lodging houses on Fourth street, where they were driven from the former from the Behmer house, where they have become a familiar sight to every shopper and mingle with the innocent stranger bringing his family here to locate? Drive them back to their old quarters to plague respectable residents of that part of town? At the most move them to some isolated spot? Or shall we take the advice of Saul's Letter and cast a mantle of charity over the unfortunate creatures and try to reform them?

[..]

- Press Democrat, April 5, 1908

The League manipulators have had a great deal to say about "bosses," apparently imagining the public would overlook the fact that the men who are most active in support of that organization themselves aspire to be bosses, by all the rules governing such propositions.

They have also indulged in uncalled for personalities and tried to appeal to individual likes and dislikes, regardless of facts. A case in point has been the amusing attempt to make a city attorney Thomas J. Geary an issue in the campaign. In an effort to secure the support of that gentleman's political enemies, the charge has been made that in the event of Mr. Gray's election he would be re-appointed to his present position, although Mr. Geary has repeatedly and publicly declared that under no consideration with the accept the appointment for another term, and most of the men who are making the charge know that owing to the pressure of other businesses he has wanted to resign for some time, and did prepare to give up the office last summer when Mayor Overton handed in his resignation, and was only prevented from doing so through the earnest solicitation of that gentleman and others wen public sentiment against allowing Mayor Overton's resignation to be accepted was so strongly manifested. Having no particular interest in the campaign one way or the other, and having already stated his position, Mr. Geary suggested that we make some mention of the fact in the paper, but we declined to thus dignify the charge. Although Mr. Thompson has known the facts all along, he has continued to charge that "a vote for Mr. Gray is a voted to keep Mr. Geary in the city attorney's office," and as far as we know is still so charging.


One of the worst features of the present campaign has been the reckless hurling of charges broadcast effecting the reputation and character of the community. People all over the state have been led to believe that Santa Rosa is a grossly immoral place where crime and vice run rampant, and where only evil influences prevail. Great damage has been done Santa Rosa in this way, and it is likely we will feel the effects for many years to come. It would have been bad enough had any of the charge been true, but when we consider the fact that Santa Rosa is one of the cleanest and best-governed in towns in California, if not in the entire west, the full significance of this phase of the situation becomes even more apparent.

- Press Democrat editorial, April 5, 1908




ADDRESS OF MR. BURBANK
Delivered at Pavilion Rink Monday Evening

"Every party is supposed to have a platform. Every voter should also have one of his own. Perhaps you would like a photograph of mine.

"I believe in justice to all. I am not a partisan not a politician, have no axe to grind, have no personal interests to boost, am not an expert at political mud throwing, generally mind my own business and rejoice in giving others the same privilege. As it happens I belong to no church, no saloon, no Ministerial Union, no brewery.

"Personal schemes, passion and prejudice should not be allowed to overshadow the public welfare, and any man or any party who, at any time or under any circumstances by threats, fraud, boycott, or any other form of coercion or deceit tries to influence the vote of another is not a true American. He is not a patriot. He is a relic of the dark ages and has not yet arrived. He is a back number and should be made to realize the fact by every intelligent. citizen's vote.

"I prefer to think that every voter wishes to cast his vote for the best interests of Santa Rosa and to have every honest industry protected.

"The hobo, the hoodlum, the confidence man, the crook, the swindler, the gambler, the bully and the bum are not needed by Santa Rosa. All these tend to weaken the confidence of man in man which is the foundation of all prosperity. Talk is cheap, character counts. Every city should have, above all, good men to attended to its business affairs, men you can trust to hold your purse.

"I am not here to tell you how to vote. Some of the gentlemen whose names are on the fusion ticket are admirable neighbors and personal friends. I have no objection to them except that they are, in my opinion, on the wrong side and have the wrong kind of boosters behind them.

"My interest in the city, its people, its progress, is very natural as I was here at its birth, voted for its first mayor and city council and have continued to do so up to the present time.

"I endorse the Municipal League as a party--it has a right to live and if I shall be honored by giving it my vote tomorrow, whether the party wins or not, by voting as I think for the best interests of Santa Rosa. I, at least, have won. Count me for one."

- Santa Rosa Republican, April 7, 1908

War makes for strange bedfellows, and in 1908 Santa Rosa, bedfellows were strange, indeed: The Democratic and Republican parties united to offer a single slate of candidates for mayor, council, and other elected city posts. These normally-bitter rivals joined forces to fight a common enemy: Reformers who wanted to clean up the town, starting with booting the good ol' boys from power.

The deal for the "fusion" ticket was sealed during the simultaneous party conventions that March, with a delegate from each dashing back and forth to ensure that Santa Rosa voters would be offered the same wonderful "two party system" enjoyed in banana republics and better dictatorships. So close were the platforms of the two parties that you could not slip a playing card between them:

DEMOCRATSREPUBLICANS
We earnestly recommend and favor the immediate repeal of the so-called boarding-house license...
We hearby pledge...to repeal the ordinance licensing houses of ill-fame...
We demand the payment of good wages for labor at Union rates and declare that eight hours shall constitute a day's work; in all departments of the city government, and that all appointments and laborers be bonafide residents of this city...We hearby pledge...to protect the mechanics and laborers of the city, asking of them only a fair day's work at union wages; giving preference in the employment of labor to the bonafide residents of this city...
We favor proper legislation to secure to our citizens abundant and wholesome free water for domestic use...We hearby pledge...to secure abundant free water for domestic use and a just and equitable distribution thereof...
We favor...the regulation of public service corporations to compel them to furnish to this city and its people proper and sanitary light and power, both gas and electric, at fair and reasonable rates.We hearby pledge...to compel public service corporations to furnish adequate telephone service and proper and sanitary light, heat and power, both electric and gas, at reasonable rates...


Aside from repeal of the unpopular law that had legalized and regulated prostitution, the Dem/Repub platforms could be summed up as a vote for business-as-usual. Heading their ticket as candidate for mayor was the quintessential insider: James H. Gray, developer, president of the Chamber of Commerce, and namesake of the town of Graton.

The reform mayoral candidate was Rolfe Thompson, a lawyer and former Deputy District Attorney. (Thompson would become Superior Court judge in 1920 and later be appointed to the state Supreme Court; when he left for that seat in 1929, his Superior Court judgeship was taken by a man named Hilliard Comstock.) Thompson was less specific about what he would do as mayor, except for one point that he repeated often: He would put an end to "bossism." He maintained that Santa Rosa was being run by just four men - and he even had the temerity to call them out by name.

Thompson's reform party was called the Municipal League, and will be explored in the following post. For the purpose of introduction, it's only necessary to know that it was the descendant of the 1905 Good Government League. Also: Press Democrat editor Ernest L. Finley hated them with passion.

In the weeks before the April election, Finley wrote several lengthy editorials scourging the Municipal League. His main avenue of attack was to repeatedly accuse them of being puppets of "the church element," and particularly a prohibition-seeking group called the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union. And truthfully, the Municipal League leaned towards being a neo-temperance party because Thompson took no position on alcohol; what the temperance movement wanted at the time was for elected officials to show willingness for prohibition to be put to a vote, as was about to happen in Healdsburg that April (the town elected to stay "wet").

But Finley didn't stop with insinuations that the Municipal League played footsie with prohibitionists; he wrote at length they were nay-sayers who sought to destroy Santa Rosa by questioning the status quo. Finley's favorite mud-slinging gimmick was setting up straw-man arguments; when the Municipal League said that a vote for the fusion ticket was the same as "endorsing the present administration," the Press Democrat editor pretended to misunderstand their allegory and dismiss it as "twaddle" because no one from the administration was running for reelection (the newspaper followed by boasting that the administration was composed of the finest, most unselfish men that could be found anywhere on the planet). When the Municipal League suggested the PD was "owned" by the "same men who aspire to own Santa Rosa," Finley took the literal meaning in order to call them liars or fools for not knowing that Finley and his partner were the business owners.

Finley's venom was also directed at the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union's newsletter called "The Citizen." Alas, no copies from that year appear to have survived (the county library has a couple of issues from 1909), so we're left with the snippets and paraphrases that were used in PD editorials. It's also regrettable that the Santa Rosa Republican didn't call out the Press Democrat on its lies and misrepresentations, as it had in the political "flapdoodle" of the 1904 election. But the Republican did offer up a column by Tom Gregory describing the fusion conventions. Mostly written in heavy dialect (presumably to make it "humorous"), he drops the hick shtick at the end to make a telling point: "For years and years Santa Rosa has called for a non-partisan choice of city officers, and when the campaign came on the voters have lined up at the call of the bosses."



DEMOCRATS AND REPUBLICANS NAME JOINT TICKET
JAMES H. GRAY IS CHOSEN FOR MAYOR OF SANTA ROSA
Strong Platforms Are Adopted By Both Parties
Dr. J. W. Jesse Chairman at Democratic Gathering Where the Business of the Evening is Disposed of Rapidly and in Good Order

The Democratic convention was largely attended and was a thoroughly representative body. It met in Germania Hall, and harmony and good feeling predominated throughout this evening's deliberations.

The convention was called to order by L. W. Juilliard, chairman of the democratic city Central committee...

...[A] conference had been held with a like committee from the Republican caucus, and as result of the meeting a plan had been suggested whereby the two parties might unite for the nomination of a single ticket. The plan, he said, was for the Democrats to name the candidate for Mayor, two councilmen and Recorder, and allow Republicans to select the nominees for Assessor, Clerk and two remaining councilmen. The principal object was to bury dissension.

F. J. Hoffman moved that the report of the committee be to be accepted and its action ratified. The motion was duly seconded and carried amid cheers and much applause...

MUNICIPAL CONVENTIONS ARE HELD HERE LAST NIGHT

The Republican city convention held last night at Trembley's hall was one of most harmonious and enthusiastic of gatherings. With but one or two exceptions all the delegates were present as well as a large gathering of spectators and deep interest was taken in the proceedings.

Dr. S. S. Bogle called the convention to order and stated its objects... Judge Barham thanked the delegates for the honor conferred in electing him chairman and voiced a word of praise for the people of Santa Rosa, whom he said he loved better than ever for the splendid spirit they had exemplified in rebuilding the city after the earthquake. He also praised the banks of Santa Rosa for the financial assistance they had rendered in making rebuilding possible with so much alacrity. He complimented the Republican convention on the determination to display courage and be bold enough to present a ticket for election regardless of politics, and after indulging in some pleasantries regarding national politics this fall, he again congratulated the delegates and the Republican Party in being big enough in municipal affairs to rise above politics and name a good ticket with men who who fully realize the importance of their trust...

- Press Democrat, March 7, 1908


FIXING UP A FUSION TICKET
Allotment of Councilmen Bone of Contention

"That fusion idee has got into snaggy water," observed the Up Town citizen. "It's mighty unnatural fur them two ol' parties to fall to lovin' of each other all ter once. An' th' rank an' file are a-askin' what does th' higher-ups of th' scheme, who are mighty bizzy a-bringin' on this combine goin' to git out of it? Now that several candidates has pulled out of the Independents th' Democrats are a-sayin' to themselves, says they: 'Why should we carry Republicans along; with all the Democrats off th' Independent ticket we can put up a straight piece of paper an' every Democrat in town will vote for it; we might as well have th' mayor and all four councilmen instid of splitin' up that bunch of jobs; th' Indys and th' Reps can't fuse, they are so apart, an' that leaves the Republicans with little change for th' present an' less hope fur th' hereafter.' Of course, th' Reps don't subscribe to that doctrin', an' they are hopin fur th' present as well as th' hereafter but they druther so many Republicans didn't git on th' Indy ticket.

Th' Democratic secret meetin' of delegates didn't run on schedule time th' other night. Somebody, accordin' to program moved th' chairman appoint one man from each ward to act as a committee to confer with like committe from th' Republicans. Then a delegate who is from Kentucky and was in hot Goebel war there, moved th' wards git their own representatives. This started trouble an' in th' scrap th' chairman got tangled up in parly'ment'ry law an' both motions was voted down. Then while they was all talkin' about how it happened th' chap from th' 'Dark an' Bloody Ground' got in his motion an' it was adopted. Over in th' Republican meetin' at th' same time th' same protest came up, but it ended smoothly in th' chair 'pointin' the representatives subject to 'proval of th' wards.

"Well, look at it any way, an' th' withdrawls changes matter some. Th' Democrats tell everybody that that makes no difference, but th' most innercent marine would not swaller such an anty-'lection yarn. Th' Republicans are still got their heads down sawin' some purty knotty wood. They've got no time for public statements. Th' makin' up of th' fusin ticket is a-worryin' th' management. Th' Democrats want th' mayor an three concilmen, an' as they already have a holdover man on th' council, this would give them three to th' Republican three, with a Democrat mayor to kick off the tie that will always come up when a vote stands three to three. Reps want three new councilmen, which would put th' Democratic legislative body of th' city in th' minority, a place where they say th' Republicans orier be. But they're leered th' Reps will git mad, so durned mad that they'll take the independent candidate after all.

"Some of the fellers who do a good deal of standin' around on street corners are a-perfessin' to enjoy th' sight of the new candidate on th' non-partisan ticket, but a lot of men who know things an' think sometimes, see a hot fight ahead. Yesterday one of th' most prominent Democrats in this city said to me, 'For years and years Santa Rosa has called for a non-partisan choice of city officers, and when the campaign came on the voters have lined up at the call of the bosses. A bitter political fight was quickly on, making it hard to get the right kind of men to stand for the offices. When the whole city should be standing together working only for Santa Rosa, they have been arrayed in two political factions, battling over the old political issues that have descended from father to son down the line of years."
TOM GREGORY.

- Santa Rosa Republican, March 6, 1908




THE "PRESENT ADMINISTRATION"

Having floundered about until they themselves scarcely know where they stand; having advanced all their "arguments," and without visible effect; and realizing that the tide is sitting against them stronger and stronger every day, the manipulations of the so-called Municipal League charge that a vote for the regular Democratic or Republican nominees is a voted "endorsing the present administration," and appeal for support upon that ground.

Such talk is of course all nonsense. The outgoing administration has nothing whatever to do with the one that is about to come into power, and all sensible people realize it. Neither Mayor Overton nor any of the members of the present city council are up for re-election. James H. Gray is absolutely untrammeled and has publicly and repeatedly declared that no other consideration than that of the interests of the community as a whole will be allowed to influence his appointments. Under the circumstances the League's latest appeal becomes mere twaddle.

But the supporters of the so-called Municipal League presume considerably upon the credulity and forgetfulness of the people when they advance arguments of the above nature as a reason for supporting the League ticket. The administration which is so soon to go out of power has in many respects been one of the best, if not the very best, Santa Rosa has ever known. More has been accomplished in less time and under greater difficulties than by any other similar body ever placed in control of affairs here.

Going back to four years ago, when the present administration was called into existence you're reminded that the conditions were anything but what they should have been. The affairs of the municipality were in such shape, in fact, that our people had come almost unanimously to the opinion that it was time to turn over a new leaf and inaugurate a big change. It was seen that the sewer system would have to be extended to the water works further perfected and developed, new bridges constructed, and a large amount of work done upon the streets. This required funds and the only way to secure them was by bond issue.

To insure such a project carrying, it was realized that it would be necessary to have men of high standing in office, so that no one would question the fact that the funds, if voted by the people, would be honestly and judiciously expended. After great difficulty, John P. Overton, President of the Savings Bank of Santa Rosa was finally induced to stand for the office of Mayor. With his assistance the consent of three other good men to run for councilmen was then secured. Nothing but the sense of duty induced any of the gentlemen to accept or stand for public office. All were busy men, whose time was valuable. Nevertheless, when finally made to see that their consent meant something to the community, and mighr contribute to the best of the great lover needs to be presented as candidates for there once desired and to it advancement, they agreed to allow their names to be presented as candidates for the offices named and to serve if the people so desired.

Mayor Overton was elected, together with an acceptable city council, and the bonds were voted by a large majority. Meters were provided, several miles of new mains laid, a number of new wells sunk, and finally, after a great deal for careful investigation, which included visits to a number of other cities and consultations with several eminent engineers, a plan was evolved whereby Santa Rosa's water problem was at last solved.

[.. A lengthy tribute to their leadership on water, sewer and street improvements ..]

The awful havoc wrought by the earthquake and fire is something of which our people do not have to be reminded. The frightful scene of death and desolation that greeted us on the morning of April 18, less than two years ago, is still fresh in the minds of every living inhabitant. The "present administration" had been inducted into office only the night before. What a stupendous and appaling task was presented on the very first day of their official existence! Did the men whom the so-called Municipal League are now trying so hard to belittle shrink from their duty? Did they meet the trying task that was laid before them bravely, and as men, or otherwise?

Every reader knows only too well the story of the days and weeks and months that followed this, the greatest crisis and all the city's history. Under the guidance and direction of the "present administration," our dead were buried, the living fed and the widows and orphans provided for. In the twinkling of an eye the whole condition of affairs had been changed. From a happy, prosperous, well-ordered community, Santa Rosa had been transformed almost instantly into a state of utter chaos. Character, ability and brains of a high order were required to meet the situation which then confronted the community. But it was met--bravely, and with a dignity and quiet thoroughness that can never be forgotten or too highly praised.

The men who have since been "big enough to build hotels and business blocks" who had previously shown themselves brainy enough to attract the attention of all the country through the handling of an international legislation, who both before and since have been considered capable of managing some of our most important enterprises, also show themselves capable of handling the many complex and trying situations that then presented themselves.

Even San Francisco, in a somewhat similar position was glad to take advantage of and adopt many of the ideas and suggestions evolved by the "present administration" at that time.

And in two short years Santa Rosa has almost completely recovered, as far as outward appearances go, from the frightful calamity which befel her on that fateful morning of April 18, 1906.

And yet in spite of all these things--this stupendous burden that has been carried so bravely and so well, this neve-racking task that has been so faithfully performed-- a few people pretend to find fault with the "present administration."

Out upon the ingrates who would try to belittle the great work that has been done! When one stops to recall the long the hours of toil that been so willingly and conscientiously devoted to public service, the thousand-and-one details that have been studied and given consideration, the sacrifice of time and attention to private interests that it has all entail, the wonder is that even men to make it their life practice to object and find fault with everything and everybody have the hardihood to do so in this instance.

But let them carp and criticize, if they will. Every man who is a man and who possesses any sense of gratitude and appreciation whatever, endorses the "present administration"--yes, and is glad of the opportunity!

Morally as well as otherwise the present administration has constantly labored for the betterment of local conditions. The very thing for which it is being blamed most was in reality an honest, sincere and painstaking attempt to restrict and regulate an evil has never been regulated before save by the policeman's club. Except that some authority was provided for doing what had been done for years before without authority, conditions were not changed in the least. The license for saloons has been raised from thirty to sixty dollars per quarter, and while such places kept open until twelve o'clock at night when the "present administration" went into office, they now close at ten o'clock each evening. Card games are no longer permitted in cigar stores, and gambling anywhere is now strictly prohibited.



"OWNERSHIP" AND "CONTROL"
Who owns the Press Democrat, anyway? We wonder if it is the same men who aspire to own Santa Rosa?--Municipal League.

Ernest L. Finley and Charles O. Dunbar are the sole owners and proprietors of this paper, and have been for many years. Nobody else on earth owns or in any way controls the Press Democrat, or even suggests--much less dictates--its policies. The man who says otherwise either lies or has been misinformed.

This is about as strong as we know how to make this statement. If we knew how to make it any more sweeping we should certainly do so.

We do not know of any many or set of men who "aspire to own Santa Rosa." We do, however, that a certain set of men aspire to a control of public affairs here. They are the men constitute and stand for the ideas of the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union. They seem to think it would be wise to turn the administration of public affairs over to the church element. We think this is as unreasonable as it would be to talk about handing control over to the saloon men, or the medical fraternity, or to any other aggregation or element representing the ideas of a single class. This and the fact that James H. Gray stands for progress and advancement and for the upbuilding of Santa Rosa, and by nature and experience is qualified to bring about these results, while his opponent is not, is all there is to the fight now on. And everybody knows it.



Candidate Thompson in his little paper now declares that he never said anything of the kind, while half a hundred men can be found who say that he did--and to them.

- Press Democrat editorial, March 29, 1908



INTEMPERATE AGITATION

Another issue of "The Citizen" published under the auspices of the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union, and the acknowledged organ of that body, has made its appearance. As was to have been expected, local conditions and the campaign now on come in for some attention at the hands of the publishers.

The "Citizen" reiterates the claim that the movement headed by the so-called Municipal League is not one in behalf of prohibition, and admits that the League has perhaps acted wisely in taking this position, because the time for coming out into the open is not yet right. And in another place, further on, it asks what will happen when the Union takes off its coat and "sails into the fight."

Of course no one will question the motives that prompted the Ministerial Union in issuing "The Citizen." The organization's only object is to benefit Santa Rosa, and publication of the little paper referred to is but part of the general plan adopted in furtherence of this end.

It is doubtless for this reason that the paper is, and for a long time past has been printed in San Francisco, rather than in this city. Anything that benefits California benefits Santa Rosa.

The sordid man of business, with no idea above the dollar and for the most part engrossed with such every-day problems as how to meet the rent and pay his employees on Saturday nights, might be inclined to argue differently. He might contend that having the work done here would mean keeping that much more money at home, giving that much more employment to local printers etc. and conclude that if everybody followed the example set by the Ministerial Union in such matters, Santa Rosa would soon disappear from the map entirely.

But this is not what helps a town. And besides, there are other and far more important matters up for discussion and consideration here just now.

The question is not so much how to build up Santa Rosa, keep the wheels of industry turning, and enable our people to recover from the effects of the great disaster, as it is what the municipality shall do to be saved. Santa Rosa is a place accursed. No man who has any respect whatever for himself or his progeny would think of bringing up a family here. Our once fair city, known far and wide as a place of happy homes, good schools and find churches, has gone completely to the dogs. Everyone is dishonest, all men are liars, the Demon Rum has us tightly by the throat, and Virtue weeps and drags her mantle in the dust. In short, we have both Sodom and Gomorrah worn to a frazzle and poor old Pittsburg is not and never has been in the running.

Of course, some people may not believe what we have just said about Santa Rosa. We shall be considerably surprised if anyone believes it.

Santa Rosa is one of the cleanest, best-governed cities in California today, and every man who has traveled about to ant extent knows it.

But people living in other places, and having no other source information but "The Citizen" and Municipal League paper, would form just such an idea of our town as that first above outlined.

Under all the circumstances, the absurd charges being made by some of the intemperate advocates of the so-called Municipal League are not only showing the great love for Santa Rosa in a most unique way, but they are also doing Santa Rosa a grave injustice and working irreparable injury to her reputation abroad.

- Press Democrat editorial, April 1, 1908

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